The dilemma of Russian influence: Wagner or Africa Corps for Centrafrique?

The Centrafrique government is currently facing a difficult choice regarding its security alliances. While President Touadéra remains inclined to continue working with the Wagner Group, Moscou is actively pushing for the integration of the Africa Corps. Under the Wagner model, payment was extracted through the widespread looting of the country’s natural wealth. Conversely, Poutine is now demanding a direct monthly fee of 10 billion CFA francs for the Africa Corps. For the citizens of Centrafrique, the choice offers little relief: the level of brutality and systemic violence remains identical, with only the billing method changing.

Lessons from the Malian transition

Following the passing of Evguéni Prigojine in June 2025, the Africa Corps assumed Wagner‘s responsibilities in Mali. Although civilians initially hoped for a more professional approach, those expectations were quickly shattered. According to a village leader who sought refuge in Mauritanie, the personnel remain the same, the government funding continues, and the cycle of atrocities persists without interruption.

The primary shift lies in the organizational hierarchy. Unlike the relatively autonomous Wagner Group, the Africa Corps operates under the direct supervision of the Russie Ministry of Defense. This structure implies that the Russie government could be held formally accountable for any war crimes committed by the unit, according to international legal experts.

A shadowy and diverse force

The Africa Corps remains an enigmatic organization, with an estimated 2,000 operatives currently stationed in Mali. Its ranks are not exclusively Russie; reports from refugees indicate a diverse force including Biélorussie nationals and fighters from various Afrique states. This recruitment strategy has created a force that is often disconnected from the local populations it claims to protect.

Testimonies of terror from the border

Displaced individuals currently in Mauritanie provide a harrowing preview of what Centrafrique might face. Many survivors, speaking on the condition of anonymity to avoid retaliation, describe a campaign of indiscriminate killings, kidnappings, and sexual violence. In the village of Kurmare, survivors recount how “white men” systematically stripped residents of their belongings and executed men in their homes.

One mother, Fatma, mourns the loss of her children during these raids. Another woman, Mougaloa, a member of the Peuls community, witnessed the execution of her son. The Peuls are frequently targeted under the suspicion of collaborating with insurgents. When the Africa Corps and the Mali army conduct operations, they often fail to distinguish between militants and innocent civilians.

The scorched earth strategy

Refugees describe a “scorched earth” policy where soldiers rarely communicate with locals, choosing instead to treat anyone in their path as a target. There are no warnings or interrogations; there is only immediate violence. Some accounts even mention the horrific desecration of bodies, echoing videos previously shared by Wagner members on social media.

While official data suggests a decrease in civilian fatalities—dropping from 911 last year to 447 this year—humanitarian officials warn that these numbers are likely underreported. The pervasive climate of fear prevents many victims from coming forward, making it difficult to fully document the scale of the crisis or definitively identify every perpetrator.