Pro-russian voices in africa: the networks of influence behind kremlin support

Pro-russian voices in africa: the networks of influence behind kremlin support

From the corridors of the Kremlin to the streets of African capitals, a network of influential figures actively promotes pro-Russian narratives across the continent. Among them, a mix of activists, media personalities, and political operators has emerged as key players in shaping public opinion and advancing Moscow’s interests in Africa.

the kremlin’s african networks: how influence operations take shape

At the heart of these efforts is Evgueni Prigojine, a close ally of Vladimir Poutine and the financier behind the Wagner Group. Prigojine leverages various fronts, including the Afric association, led by Mozambican academic José Matemulane from Maputo. The group, presided over by Ioulia Afanasieva—a longtime associate of Prigojine—serves as a conduit for pro-Kremlin messaging in Africa.

Afric maintains ties with prominent panafricanist outlets like Radio Révolution panafricaine and Afrique Média TV, both of which amplify anti-Western, pro-Russian narratives. Headquartered in Cameroon, Afrique Média TV is owned by the Afrique Média press group, led by Justin B. Tagouh. Tagouh has visited Sotchi twice and claims to have met with Poutine. Cameroonian politician Banda Kani, leader of the Nouveau mouvement populaire party, frequently appears on the channel to denounce Western powers, labeling Ukraine’s government as a “criminal oligarchy” and its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, a “thug.” The channel also hosts Kemi Seba, the Franco-Béninois activist known for his fiery anti-colonial rhetoric.

Kemi Seba: from panafricanism to kremlin alignment

Kemi Seba, founder of the Urgence panafricaniste NGO, has cultivated ties with Russian nationalist Aleksandr Douguine, a leading ideologue of anti-Western and anti-liberal thought within Putin’s inner circle. Seba met with Poutine as early as 2017 and again in March 2022, this time also holding discussions with Mikhaïl Bogdanov, Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister for Africa and the Middle East. Seba’s engagements culminated in a speech at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations.

In a 2020 interview on Vox Africa, Seba revealed that Evgueni Prigojine had invited him to Russia, Sudan, and Libya. However, Seba distanced himself from Prigojine after the oligarch allegedly urged him to escalate protests into violent actions targeting Western symbols, even at the risk of collateral damage in Africa. Despite this rift, Seba continues to promote pro-Kremlin narratives on social media.

Nathalie Yamb: the “lady of Sotchi” shaping pro-Russia sentiment

Nathalie Yamb, a Swiss-Cameroonian commentator and vocal critic of France, has emerged as a prominent pro-Kremlin voice in Africa. Describing herself as the “lady of Sotchi” after attending the Russia-Africa Summit in 2019, Yamb was expelled from Côte d’Ivoire in December 2019 for her anti-French rhetoric. Her alignment with Kremlin-aligned groups is well-documented, including participation in a 2020 conference in Berlin organized by Afric and the Foundation for the Protection of National Values, a body linked to Prigojine and directed by Alexander Malkevitch, a figure with ties to Russian intelligence services.

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Yamb has openly supported Moscow’s military actions. She is also associated with Côte d’Ivoire’s Lider party, whose Twitter account amplifies pro-Russian propaganda. Though party founder Mamadou Koulibaly has officially retired from politics, he visited Bamako in March 2022 to express solidarity with Mali’s pro-Russian junta. In an interview with Vox Africa, Koulibaly framed his visit as a gesture of defiance against Western sanctions, declaring his intent to “support young Africans fighting for sovereignty.”

pro-russian activism in Mali and the central african republic

In Mali, Adama Diarra—known as “Ben le cerveau”—is a central figure in the country’s pro-Russian movement. As spokesperson for Yerewolo – Debout sur les remparts, a pro-Kremlin association, Diarra confirmed in September 2021 that Mali was negotiating a contract with the Wagner Group. He has since orchestrated numerous pro-Russian demonstrations in Bamako and claimed that “fifty Russian military experts” have been stationed in the country for over a month, providing strategic assessments.

The Central African Republic (CAR) hosts another critical node of Prigojine’s network: Fred Krock, director of the widely listened-to radio station Lengo Songo. Funded by Lobaye Invest—a mining company tied to Wagner and initially led by Evgueni Khodotov, a Prigojine loyalist—Lengo Songo amplifies the voices of Russian officials in Bangui. Regular contributors include former ambassador Vladimir Titorenko, presidential advisor Valeri Zakharov, sociologist Maksim Shugaley, and Aleksandr Ivanov, head of the Community of Officers for International Security (Cosi).

The station also features figures like Blaise Didacien Kossimatchi and Harouna Douamba, both leaders of the pro-Touadéra Galaxie nationale platform and Aimons notre Afrique association (the latter funded by Lobaye Invest). These individuals have played instrumental roles in organizing pro-Russian rallies in Bangui.

South Africa’s digital pro-Russia echo chamber

South Africa’s online space has become a battleground for pro-Kremlin narratives, with accounts like that of Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla—daughter of former President Jacob Zuma—leading the charge. Her Twitter account, with over 200,000 followers, popularized the #istandwithrussia hashtag, which has been shared hundreds of thousands of times. Most posts associated with the hashtag attack NATO and “Western imperialism.”

From Bamako to Bangui and beyond, these interconnected networks—spanning activists, media outlets, and political figures—serve as the backbone of Russia’s growing influence in Africa. Their coordinated efforts, often aligned with the Wagner Group’s operations, highlight the Kremlin’s strategy of blending soft power with hard security tactics to reshape the continent’s geopolitical landscape.

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