Venance Konan examines the modern faces of pan-africanism amid today’s challenges

As the South African justice system prepares to rule on the fate of Kémi Séba—arrested in mid-April while attempting to enter Zimbabwe clandestinely—the renowned Ivorian writer Venance Konan questions whether the activist, with his 1.5 million social media followers, truly embodies the spirit of modern pan-Africanism. This moment offers an opportunity to reflect on the movement’s history and its evolving expressions.

Consider the perplexing alliance between a black pan-African activist and a white South African supremacist. Kémi Séba—born Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi in Benin and holding a Nigerian diplomatic passport—was recently detained in South Africa alongside his 18-year-old son and François Van der Merwe, a white supremacist nostalgic for apartheid. Séba, founder of the Urgences panafricanistes NGO, is best known for his fiery pan-African rhetoric and vehemently anti-French, anti-Franc CFA, and antisemitic stances, which led to the revocation of his French citizenship. Reports suggest he was attempting to enter Zimbabwe illegally, possibly en route to Europe. In Benin, he faces charges of “apology for crimes against state security and incitement to rebellion” for publicly supporting soldiers involved in a failed December coup, with an international arrest warrant issued against him.

Russian propagandists and supporters of Sahel dictatorships

Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb represent the loudest voices of pan-Africanism in Francophone Africa. All three are at the forefront of opposing French presence on the continent. However, they also serve as prominent Russian propagandists in Africa and staunch backers of the military juntas ruling the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—namely Mali’s Assimi Goïta, Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré, and Niger’s Abdourahamane Tiani. Modern pan-Africanism, it seems, now involves battling France only to align with Russia and prop up dictators who openly reject democracy.

The evolution of pan-Africanism: from anticolonial struggle to fractured nationalism

Pan-Africanism emerged in the early 20th century among Black intellectuals in the Americas and Caribbean. It became the driving force behind anticolonial movements in Africa, with leaders like Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Guinea’s Sékou Touré, and Congo’s Patrice Lumumba at its helm. The ideology united African students in France through the Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire en France (FEANF), founded in 1950, which quickly adopted a political stance advocating for decolonization and continental unity. Its fierce opposition to the Algerian War drew the ire of French authorities, who retaliated by raising student rents, cutting scholarships, and subjecting African students to constant police surveillance. The FEANF was dissolved in 1980.

The independence of Ghana in 1957 and most African nations in 1960 were seen as victories for pan-Africanism, culminating in the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Yet, independence did not bring unity. Instead, micro-nationalisms took root, despite attempts at unification. Secessionist movements, such as Eritrea’s independence and Sudan’s division, as well as failed attempts like Biafra and Casamance, highlighted the continent’s fragmentation. In 2002, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi sought to revive the vision of a united Africa by transforming the OAU into the African Union (AU), though this initiative ultimately failed. Gaddafi was killed in 2011 by a Franco-American-British coalition. The AU later established the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in 2001 to accelerate integration, yet the initiative has faded into obscurity.

From civil wars to the persecution of Africans

Today, pan-Africanism is invoked as a political necessity. Any African leader or intellectual who visits the continent must declare their pan-African credentials. Some countries even have ministries or departments dedicated to African integration. For instance, former Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo recently launched the Parti des peuples africains-Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), positioning it as a pan-African party. Similarly, Senegal’s ruling party is called the Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF).

Yet, in practice, African nations often engage in actions that contradict pan-African ideals. When not embroiled in civil wars—such as in the Horn of Africa, Sudan, or the Great Lakes region—they frequently target fellow Africans within their borders, as seen in South Africa. Alternatively, they remain at odds with neighboring countries, as illustrated by the strained relations between Sahelian AES states and West African CEDEAO members.

Rethinking pan-Africanism in a predatory world

So, where have today’s pan-Africanists gone? Only Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb remain as the movement’s most vocal figures—prominent on social media. Séba, originally from Benin, was once French before losing his citizenship. Nyamsi, from Cameroon, also holds French nationality and faces scrutiny from Paris for his anti-French stance. Yamb, of Cameroonian-Swiss descent, has been sanctioned by the European Union for similar reasons. They claim persecution for their fight against Western, particularly French, domination. But where is the pan-African spirit when these figures openly serve Russian interests on the continent? Is liberation truly achieved by trading one form of domination for another? The atrocities and exploitation perpetrated by Russian proxies in the Sahel speak volumes. Where is pan-Africanism when its supposed champions align with brutal dictatorships that silence dissent through imprisonment, disappearance, or assassination?

According to leaked phone conversations shared on social media, Séba has accused Nyamsi and Yamb of opportunism, alleging they are now on the payroll of Togo’s President Faure Gnassingbé—a figure Séba himself once lauded as a pan-African democrat. Astonishingly, Séba has reportedly expressed regret over losing his French citizenship. Let’s be clear: this brand of pan-Africanism is tainted, hollow, and little more than a fraudulent facade. Yet, given today’s geopolitical landscape—dominated by predatory powers—Africa has no choice but to unite swiftly. The continent must embrace a renewed sense of urgency in its pan-African commitment to survive and thrive.